The Constitutional Convention of 1787 and the fierce ratification struggle that followed produced one of the most deliberate acts of political moderation in human history. Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay did not write The Federalist Papers to celebrate pure democracy or concentrated power. They wrote to persuade a skeptical New York that a carefully balanced republic—checks and balances, divided government, an independent judiciary, a presidential system rooted in virtue and limited authority—could endure. Their project assumed a citizenry capable of self-restraint and a political culture that rejected absolutism. They never imagined that one of the two major parties would someday be captured by a radical minority determined to dismantle the very architecture they designed.
That capture has occurred. Today’s Democratic Party is no longer the party of Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal, Harry Truman’s Fair Deal, or Lyndon Johnson’s Great Society—programs that expanded the welfare state while still presupposing a robust private sector, entrepreneurial energy, and a broad middle class. Nor does it resemble Nordic social democracy, which coexists with market dynamism. What now dominates the party’s leadership ecosystem is a revolutionary current: intellectually indebted to Marxism, methodologically shaped by Gramscian cultural strategy and Fabian gradualism, and increasingly comfortable with the civilizational hostility of Islamist ideology. Not every Democratic officeholder is a card-carrying communist. Most are not. But they operate inside a party structure whose commanding heights are controlled by radicals who treat the American constitutional order as an obstacle rather than a inheritance.
The policy wish list makes the ambition plain. Defund or severely constrain the agencies of public order. Abolish the Senate or render it impotent. Eliminate the Electoral College. Expand and politicize the Supreme Court while subordinating it to a unicameral legislature. Draft a new constitution. Redesign the prison system in ways that weaken accountability. These are not marginal talking points; they are recurring proposals from the party’s activist core and its intellectual allies. Each would erode the separation of powers that The Federalist treated as essential to liberty. The destination is not “more democracy.” It is democratic centralism—Lenin’s model of a “people’s democracy” in which formal elections coexist with one-party direction of the state and culture. Epistemologically, the same leadership doubles down on the grievance frameworks descended from the Frankfurt School and Critical Theory, treating American institutions as systems of domination rather than imperfect but improvable guarantors of ordered liberty.
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El nombre de Prometeo, equivale a previsor, “el que piensa antes”. Es por eso que decidí consultar con el mítico personaje, el dilema actual de la tecnología, confiando en una perspectiva, que no tenemos los mortales. Mis preguntas son un eco de las que se hacen actualmente la élite de la informática y en su máxima expresión, aquellos a quienes preocupa la inteligencia artificial:
El martes 06 de octubre el futbolista argentino jugó su último partido con la selección de su país tras haber participado durante 21 años representando a la albiceleste en todas las categorías del futbol, desde el aficionado hasta el profesional obteniendo reconocidos títulos a nivel mundial y continental.
tratando de imitarlos en vano en los partidos del barrio, con una admiración que se transformó desde que vi por primera vez a Lionel Messi, sus diabluras y gambetas, me permitieron reconocer a un futbolista diferente, que practicaba el futbol como un arte, como un pintor que dibuja un lienzo en modo impresionista, donde la escena se plasma como reliquia histórica al ojo humano.
The expansion of the Cuban dictatorship, using Venezuelan resources, as 21st-century socialism or Castro-Chavismo, resulted in transnational organized crime controlling governments and countries, supplanting politics with crime, and creating narco-states and para-dictatorial governments. The United States’ national security policies altered geopolitics, and today the axis of confrontation in the Americas is democracy versus crime.