Toma nota.../Take note...

The United States is a republic, not a democracy. We owe this distinction to the ageless wisdom of the Founding Fathers. Think about it this way; suppose you live in a condominium building of ten apartment units. Nine of the units are occupied by a single person. The remaining unit is occupied by an extended family of ten.

If the condominium association voted democratically, one person one vote, a large family of occupants could control the association’s vote. And they would likely appoint themselves as condominium managers with a juicy salary. Fortunately, condominium associations are created, in a republican fashion, with one vote per unit regardless of population.

The Electoral College is constituted every four years for the sole purpose of electing the President and the Vice President. The number of electors for each state equals the combined total of the state’s Congressional representation - the number of House members, plus the state’s two senators.

Together with the separation of powers, the Electoral College is fundamental to American federalism. Most states appoint their electors on a winner-take-all basis, based on the statewide popular vote. Currently, the Electoral College consists of 538 electors, and an absolute majority of 270 electoral votes is required to win an election.

¿Cómo es posible que los que hoy planifican la economía no tengan en cuenta la realidad?

Si en nombre de la Revolución un dirigente le dice que debe tirarse al vacío desde una gran altura, usted puede saltar o simular que va a dar el salto, lo que no puede hacer es mencionar la ley de la gravedad"

En febrero de 1970, mientras realizaba mi trabajo como periodista (todavía estudiante) para cubrir las incidencias de la zafra en el municipio de Florida, asistí a una importante reunión presidida por Armando Hart Dávalos, el miembro del Buró Político asignado para garantizar lo correspondiente a la provincia de Camagüey de la meta de producir 10 millones de toneladas de azúcar ese año.

El punto central de la reunión era examinar el cumplimiento de los compromisos de los diferentes sectores del municipio para completar el número de macheteros que debían integrar la brigada Jesús Suárez Gayol.

Uno a uno, los jefes locales comprometidos explicaron las causas de sus incumplimientos. El de la empresa láctea argumentó que si sacaba un hombre más de las vaquerías no sería posible satisfacer el suministro de leche a la población; el jefe del sector de comercio explicó que no se podía cerrar ni una tienda más; el de los talleres ferroviarios alegó que sin mecánicos los trenes no se podían mover, y el responsable de Forestales se justificó invocando la incapacidad de proteger los bosques con el poco personal de que disponía.

Jefferson’s “small republics”
are not an anachronism of an era long gone.

It was not supposed to be this way. The United States was not conceived as a gigantic, cumbersome, highly centralized state. The Founding Fathers envisioned an American polis weighted much more towards local and regional governments than to a central national state. To this end, Thomas Jefferson forcefully promoted his concept of a “ward republic.”

To Jefferson, most government functions should take place in the ward (or precinct). In 1816, he wrote: “The article nearest my heart is the division of counties into wards.” Jefferson thought Virginia’s counties were too large for direct voter participation and argued for small units of local government or ward republics. Today, we have strayed far away from this Jeffersonian vision of small republics in favor of a large federal government, and distant rulers in Washington D.C. And my impertinent question is: Should we revisit the notion of ward republics?

For the United States, a strong case can be made that a powerful central government is necessary for national defense. This argument may also hold true for a handful of other functions where a large national scale is compelling. However, Jefferson’s “small republics” are not an anachronism of an era long gone. Even in 1800, Jefferson recognized that “Our country is too large to have all its affairs directed by a single government.”

When a distant Federal government undertakes authority in an ever-expanding scope of affairs, it usurps the political effectiveness of individuals and communities. The authority amassed in one place must come from another place, and that place is us. The Jeffersonian tradition encourages local and regional authority rather than national authority. And yet, for the United States it may be too late to undertake meaningful reforms to reverse the flow of power from the Federal government back to state and local authorities.

Con este titular la agencia EFE y la página de noticias en la web “Infobae” señalan una de las conclusiones de la 78 Asamblea General de la Sociedad Interamericana de Prensa (SIP), realizada hace pocas semanas en Madrid.

Los periodistas cubanos que hacen su labor en la Isla reciben del régimen solo hostigamiento, amenazas, citaciones policiales, violencia física y verbal, e incluso encarcelamiento. Destaca la SIP que existe “un andamiaje represivo contra la libertad de prensa” por parte de la tiranía castrista.

Ello va acompañado del “control de las telecomunicaciones” y ha generado “el mayor éxodo de profesionales de la prensa” de la historia. El hostigamiento ha afectado además a corresponsales extranjeros.

Todo ello está ocurriendo mientras -como destaca Yoani Sánchez en nota reciente- “quedan pocos días para que entre en vigor un nuevo Código Penal que restringirá aún más la libertad de expresión y el ejercicio de la prensa”.