The Economist introduced a book review titled "The subversive chancellor" on pages dedicated to reports on European policy to make a veiled criticism on Angela Merkel's performance as Chancellor of Germany, based on the newly published work "Die Patin" ("The Godmother", not yet translated into English), written by Gerturd Höhler, an influential conservative, a former adviser to Helmut Köhl and a frequent presence in the German media.
In its veiled approach, The Economist disagrees on a few points presented by Ms Höhler, who paints Chancellor Merkel with the colors of a power-obsessed egomaniac threatening the foundations of democracy as result of her upbringing in Communist East Germany. Accordingly, she describes the Merkel's governing style as "establishing a quiet variation of authoritarian power". But The Economist appears to be aggreable to her other arguments highlighting what the magazine perceives as Ms Merkel's lack of solid values, her political ambition and her avoidance "to be committed to anything" at all.
To substantiate this view of the Christian Democratic Chancellor, they point out that she has always been malleable to adopt ideas from others as her own for political expediency, "such as family policy from the SPD or exit from nuclear energy from the Greens". Precisely a governing style quite contrary to the "quiet variation of authoritarian power" argued in "The Godmother".
Therefore, this is an unfair criticism. A true statesman shows flexibility without sacrificing principles. It is not a matter of weak values on the part of Ms Merkel but of recognizing that others may have better solutions than her own and to have the courage to adopt them for the common good.
In Europe, parliamentary democracy has been established on a concept of party discipline (that has been emulated by the presidential systems of Latin America) which favours inflexibility and is conducive to authoritarian tendencies. Therefore, parties use to vote in block and dissidents are seldom forgiven of their sin to follow their own conscience, no matter how sound their reasons may be.
Ms Merkel is not a mere deputy in Parliament but the Chancellor of Germany. Therefore, in any true democracy she is expected to rule according to the combined wishes of all Germans and not simply along party lines. It is quite good for her country (or for any country) that she is open to consider other ideas and solutions whether they are strictly within party lines or not. In addition she is a moderate in her principles, trying to keep herself in a delicate balance between socialists, liberals and conservatives, in an effort to rule with a wider range of cooperation from both sides of her own political spectrum. That is exactly Merkel's appeal to her political constituency because her moderate and flexible policies get the favor of many Germans.
On the other hand, Chancellor Merkel is often critizised for her stern position asking Greece, Spain and Portugal for painful public spending cuts to remedy the economic crisis resulting from their irresponsible and wasteful policies. In addition, The Economist considers her "unreadable", as if it were a sin to make discrete decisions after listening to all arguments.
She is feeling the widespread pressure, even from the United Kingdom, to be more lenient with countries in debt and more generous with the German's money. However, she has a prime responsability with her own people and must follow their democratic mandate. Germany is not responsible for the faults commited in other countries.
No doubt that Ms Merkel wants to save the €uro and the European Union but she is not ready to do so at the expense of the German people.